The committee is also seeking a broad swath of presidential documents from the National Archives about communications between officials in the run-up to the rally and the insurrection. So far, all of the 13 have at least communicated with the panel about testifying. The committee is interviewing some of the rally organizers it subpoenaed behind closed doors and negotiating with others. Thompson says that if any members appear to be implicated in the attack, “I don’t think there’s any reluctance” to call them in for testimony. But the committee says it is investigating every aspect of the attack, including whether lawmakers assisted the attackers and how involved they were in planning the rally and others beforehand. There has been no direct evidence that any members of Congress helped the rioters. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said that if any members “aided and abetted the crimes” they may have to be prosecuted. In the days after the attack, some Democrats questioned whether their Republican colleagues had helped the rioters. Were the organizers planning an insurrection? Who paid for the rally and what was their goal? How much did Trump know? And were any members of Congress communicating with the protesters who broke in? There are still many unknowns about how the rally was planned. Paul Gosar, for example, has repeatedly said that a woman who was shot and killed by police as she was trying to break into the House chamber was “executed.” The committee has asked the National Archives for records of communications between Gosar’s chief of staff and the Trump administration. In the months since, many Republicans who denounced the violence have started playing it down and even defended the rioters. In his subpoena, the panel cited media reports that Alexander had made reference “to the possible use of violence to achieve the organization’s goals” and had been in communication with the White House and members of Congress. One of the organizers who was subpoenaed, Ali Alexander, said after the riot that the intention was to direct attendees of the larger rally to march to the Capitol. Some dressed in tactical vests and helmets and marched toward the door in a military-style formation. The permit for the rally was issued to Women for America First, a pro-Trump group with roots in the tea party movement.Īs the event was underway and as Trump was speaking, a large group of people made its way to the Capitol, among them members of far-right extremist groups like the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers who forcibly entered. Most of the rally’s organizers had worked on Trump’s presidential campaign or in his administration, and the White House coordinated with them starting in mid-December, according to two people familiar with the planning who requested anonymity to discuss it. And when they arrived, some wore tactical gear as if prepared for battle. In the weeks and days beforehand, some people - including those from far-right militant groups - planned for violence openly online. 6 event would be “wild” and encouraging supporters to come. Around 800 people eventually busted through windows and doors and interrupted the certification of President Joe Biden’s victory, repeating Trump’s false claims that he had won the election.īut there were strong signals of what was to take place, starting with Trump’s December tweet promising that the Jan. What the committee still doesn’t know - or at least hasn’t revealed publicly - is whether Trump and the organizers of the rally, along with Republican members of Congress, were in touch with protesters who later breached the Capitol or aware of plans for violence. 6 Capitol insurrection has focused some of its early work on the planning of the rally at which President Donald Trump told his supporters to “fight like hell.” The rally, held that morning and planned by former White House and campaign aides, became a staging ground for hundreds of supporters who marched to the Capitol, pushed past police and broke inside. WASHINGTON (AP) - The House panel investigating the Jan.
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